The Illusion That Is the Pandemic Response
The framework within our federal government designed to recklessly mass “vaccinate” the population by creating the illusion of regulatory safeguards.
Sasha Latypova is a former pharma executive who posts videos on Bitchute explaining how the US Department of Defense, in partnership with HHS, has controlled all aspects of America’s Covid 19 program from the very beginning. You can read her work on Substack and look up podcast interviews there.
Based on FOIA documents, SEC filings and publicly available US government PowerPoints, and working extensively with a team of experts, Latypova describes a giant mirage created by the US government: the appearance of pharma companies seeking regulatory approval from the FDA based on clinical trials to mass vaccinate the population against a pandemic.
If you’ve wondered how the appearance of that sequence of steps – seemingly rational and beneficial – squares with teenaged Maddie de Garay paralyzed in a wheelchair during a “clinical trial,” or doctors recommending mRNA shots for pregnant women and one-year-olds, or the FDA warning the public about the dangers of HCQ, Latypova has an explanation for how the healthcare industry leaders and top regulatory officials are responsible for these things.
Her explanation is simple. The pandemic is a cover story for a government/private organization built prior to Covid by the government and called the “Public Health Emergency Measures Enterprise,” similar to government-supported enterprises such as Fannie Mae. This enterprise consists of 10 federal agencies, with DOD as the COO. The normal research, testing, manufacturing, distribution and public reporting expected in the healthcare industry is suspended while we are under a federal “emergency” order. The mission is both to demonstrate a pandemic response and to keep the enterprise secret.
The enterprise creates the illusion of an FDA functioning as a regulatory control body for the Covid response. It doesn’t. It impersonates a regulatory body. The illusion is that Pfizer makes decisions. It doesn’t. Pfizer and dozens of other companies are fused by the government to this enterprise and receive legal immunity. The companies do as they’re told. That doesn’t mean they are not complicit and potentially liable for fraud. But the “vaccines” and other measures of the pandemic response are not their show.
Latypova collaborated with Craig Paardekooper, a scientist who developed the How Bad is My Batch website showing the shocking variability between “vaccine” batches and adverse reactions – variabilities as much as a thousand fold. You might wonder how the FDA or a pharma company would allow this. The answer is that Good Manufacturing Practices are not enforced under an “emergency” regime. Is that legal? The answer is found in the contracts (some 400 of which have been released under FOIA requests) that are signed by the DOD and its suppliers not for healthcare products such as vaccines but for “countermeasure” “prototypes” and “demonstrations.” If they were for vaccines, the products would have to be mass produced to a tight standard. The batch you produce today is supposed to be the same as the batch produced last month. The “countermeasure” contract is the government’s legal invention that is used to operate outside of the usual regulatory statutes. The regulatory rules that govern food and drug products do not apply.
These enabling statutes consist of a public health emergency declaration, emergency use authorization and the PREP Act (liability protections). The government treated the pandemic declaration as an act of war and appointed the National Security Council (made up of defense and intelligence officials) to be the head of a pandemic policy group, put FEMA in charge as a figurehead agency for operations and put HHS in charge of information management. But it is the DOD (Biomedical Advanced R&D Authority or BARDA) that actually ordered all “countermeasures,” meaning all “vaccines,” PCR tests, nasal swabs, staffing, and so forth.
This switch from ordering healthcare products to ordering “countermeasures” also helps explain why the tragedy of Maddie de Garay did not stop the Pfizer trial for teens. Clinical trials were specifically not required by the DOD contracts and were specified as being outside of the scope of the contract work. In other words, the decision to produce the “countermeasures prototypes” was made prior to and independent of trials.
Katherine Watt is a legal researcher and colleague of Latypova. She has carefully documented the history of federal statutes related to war powers and bioterrorism. She presents these statutes as an explanation of what the many DOD contracts mean and how these contracts are given a “legal” basis. Watt documents how the government-supported enterprise was set up in 2006, and beefed-up in 2019 with a steering committee and an Executive Order that, as Katherine notes, “directed and prioritized federal agency collaboration with industry for rapid-deployment mRNA/DNA/LNP/nanotech bioweapon platforms misclassified as public health protection.”
An interpretation of this wording is that prior to January 2020, in case of emergency, the mRNA technology for pharmaceuticals would be shifted from a healthcare product to a bioweapon classification. In my opinion, that’s because the technology must be labeled as a weapon in order for it to be controlled by the military and not corporations and federal regulators who operate under regular laws. Public perception of this fraud would have to be tightly controlled, hence the role of HHS in running the information management. Laypova and Watt have a discussion about this here.
The relative importance of the Department of Defense versus Health and Human Services is hard to determine. On the one hand, the DOD owns the “vaccines,” masks, PCR tests, etc. DOD owns the “vaccines” from the time of the purchase order, through the manufacturing, through the distribution, all the way to the injection into the arm. No third party, domestic or foreign, can conduct independent testing of the contents of the vials. The DOD is included in all communications between the pharma companies and the FDA regulators, and present in all meetings.
On the other hand, HHS has sole authority to determine what the threat is, when an emergency needs to be called, and what the benefits of the “countermeasures” are. Congress has no power to overrule HHS on these matters. Congress has put all of the power into the office of the HHS secretary, thereby eliminating their own legislative and purse string power. States and judges have no authority to overrule the HHS secretary on these “emergency” issues. And HHS’s statutory responsibility to control the debate may be the most powerful role in the Enterprise’s organizational structure and its mission to show the effectiveness of “countermeasures.”
In a podcast interview with Sean Morgan, Latypova identified three red flags that alarmed her in early and mid 2020. The smearing of HCQ, when authorities knew it was safe, to frighten people on purpose; the announcement that mRNA “vaccines” would be used on the general population despite the commonly-held belief in her profession that mRNA is too risky for early stage breast cancer; and the news that this prophylactic shot would be given to pregnant women. These three warnings represent a lot of important forensic evidence of the crime scene spread out before us. Information control to create fear and gin up a demand for “vaccines.” Wildly risky medical technology with no track record used on a healthy population. Reckless disregard for the health of babies and their mothers. An American disgrace beyond belief.
Good job, George! You made this whole thing more understandable for me. Thank you for that.
Parasitic bureaucracies at their most lethal.